Final Outside Reading Post

In modern America there are only two major parties that rule the political world: Democrats and Republicans. There are only two sides to an issue, the Liberal side, or Conservative side. At times, one needs to cross over the partisan line so as not to appear totally unbipartisan (forgive my Bush like terminology there). During the budget formation of 1995, Clinton could either choose to collaborate with the Republicans, or cost them politically with his own plan. Mr. Stephanopoulos expresses the situation as, "The former chairman of the House Budget Committee knew how tough it would be to produce a balanced budget that protected our priorities, and he understood the pace of the negotiating process. We accepted that Clinton would eventually have to compromise with the Republicans, but now was too early. They were just starting to pay a political price for their unpopular cuts; why let them off the hook?" (343). The president could either choose to tighten the noose around the republicans necks, or let them go free and appear politically weak. Their were benefits to both situations, a fine line needed to be crossed or left alone. A lone central question remained, with only two possible choices. Clintons choices were, "The 1996 presidential campaign would turn on the budget showdown of 1995. But how? Would voters, as Morris believed, reward Clinton for cooperating with the Republicans and signing a version of their balanced budget and tax cuts into law? Or would they, as I believed, reward the president for vetoing the Republican budget and protecting core government programs against crippling cuts?" (344). This decision, or any major decision made in political office for that matter, would shape the reelection and possibly even future ones because of the magnitude of the choice. Countless hours were spent making that one decision, showing the gargantuan ripple effect one choice can have in the world of politics.

Outside Reading post 11 of 12

A pressing question that grips the sociality of our world today is, "Is it morally right to invade a country just to forcefully impose democracy at the cost of American lives?". A section in the book I am reading, All Too Human by George Stephanopoulos, talks about when Clinton had to make a decision weather to invade Haiti or not. Military dictators had taken over in the past few years, so the entire country was in disarray. Although the Haitian military wasn't exactly a formidable force, American lives could be lost in the process. In the end, Clinton chose to invade, based on many political variables. For example, Stephanopoulos writes, "But although the invasion was not politically motivated, and full of political risk, it could be a political plus. Clinton was constantly being called "spineless" and "wishy-washy" - Doonesbury was depicting him as a talking waffle" (308). The invasion overall was a big risk, but in politics, you have to risk big to win big. In politics, self-image is obviously immensely important. You have to watch what the general public is thinking of you, especially in the year before an election. Many people do not consider how smart a politician is or what his/her viewpoints are, sometimes people just vote for the person they like best. In the book, Paul Miller made a good point when he said, "People want to hear value and cost. But you have to hit them where they live. Tell them there are nine million Haitians off our shores- and they all want to be your neighbor" (309). Miller brings up a good point in that most people, though on the outside they seem to be sympathetic, are faced with unfamiliar people invading their territory they aren't acceptant. These two great political points lead Clinton to the decision to invade Haiti, rational or not. Because in politics, the only thing that matters is winning in a political sense.

Outside Reading post 10 of 12

The whitewater incident was one that caused the Clinton white house to be rattled around quite a bit. This incident, plus some other minor ones in general, caused tremendous stress and chaos in the job of the author of my book, George Stephanopoulos. Because of the crisis, there was craziness in the days of every staffer in the White House. People had to miss appointments, and fill in for other people nonstop, which caused confusion in the administration. This is illustrated when Stephanopoulos writes, "The crisis had scrambled everyone's schedules. White House public liaison Alexis Herman asked me to fill in for Ickes at a meeting with business lobbyist on health care, which made me late for a long-scheduled lunch with two reporters writing a political history of the deficit, during which Heather popped in with a request from the White House social Office. Could I do an emergency "grip and grin" over in the East Room?" (246). Mr. Stephanopoulos was constantly going from place to place, trying to fill the needs of a million people at once. Tremendous stress was building up inside him, but because of the multiple issues that needed to be handled, much work had to be done. His days continued like that, he illustrated this point by saying, "That was it- four encounters totaling about ten minutes over the course of of fourteen-hour period during which I had more than a hundred conversations" (247). In a political job, direct communication is immensely important to get everyone informed and assured of what was going on. Even if it takes all of your energy, it is vital for an administration to connect with many different people, just to keep the boat afloat. In the end, with a plethora of issues and people building up on your plate, you have to meet the challenge, or your ship will sink.

Outside Reading posts 7, 8 &9 of 12

When you are elected president, you are given a great amount of power, but even a tiny mistake using that power can cause great repercussions throughout the world. At one point early in the Clinton presidency, 14 men were arrested in Kuwait for planning the assassination of former president Bush as he was to receive an award in Kuwait City. A meeting was held in the situation room where Clinton and his top guns, including the author and Colin Powell, assessed the situation. The group was contemplating weather to launch a missile strike or stand idly by, and Mr. Stephanopoulos described what his colleague Warren Christopher said as: "Warren Christopher, whose taciturn North Dakota nature appeared to restrain his loquacious Arkansas boss, offered a one-sentence conclusion: 'You'll be judged on whether you hit the target' " (160). This simple conclusion emanates the simplicity of the situation and how simple the mind of the general American person is. In the end, after everyone around the table agreed that the best idea was to shoot the missiles off, Mr. Stephanopoulos said: " 'I don't think there's a choice, Mr. President' " (161). Clinton ended up launching the missiles, some of which hit the target. The book did not say the number of casualties, but the cost of defending the prior president was present.

A major roadblock during the Clinton Presidency was always put in place when the President was forced to nominate someone from a now-vacant position. In March of 1993, a justice on the Supreme Court resigned, forcing Clinton to choose a replacement before June 15th, when  he would have to announce his pick to the Senate. Mario Cuomo, the governor of New York at the time, was the President's top choice for the pick, but the nominee was unsure of his intentions, he did not know if he really wanted the job or not. "That morning, Cuomo was still ducking the president. Clinton had called him the day before, but Cuomo's secretary didn't put the call through, saying that the governor was in the middle of budget negotiations and couldn't be disturbed. Yeah. Cuomo didn't take the call because he couldn't decide what to do- again" (166). This shows that you have to address and act aggressive toward someone who is on the fence, or else you will be wasting your valuable time and energy fighting a lost cause with petty exchanges. Cuomo finally rejected the offer, but then his son Andrew made a push for him to be reconsidered in calling Mr. Stephanopoulos the day before the announcement. He said that he would try to convince his dad to reconsider and accept the president's offer. Mr. Stephanopoulos wanted badly for Cuomo to be on the court, so he took the message to the President. Eventually, Cuomo rejected the offer again and Clinton had to nominate his second choice. Mr. Stephanopoulos was deeply saddened and felt stupid for considering him a second time and Clinton said: " 'My wife, Hillary, gave me a book that says, 'The definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting a different result.'" (174). This great quote conveys that if you have already failed in an area once, don't stupidly do the same thing again.

The single most important bill of Clinton's presidency was about to be held for a vote in the house. It was his major economic plan, and the result would either boost or ruin his presidency. The outline of the plan was to increase taxes for the rich, and improve programs for the poor and middle class, to help the average American out and bolster the economy. Sometimes, every vote is so important that it is worth giving out endless promises to ensue them. A majority of 218 is needed to win a vote in the House of Representatives, and the Clinton camp predicted themselves about 30 votes short. They were madly trying to gain votes, and Mr. Stephanopoulos described the situation as: "Getting us to 218 would take a lot of hand-holding and hard dealing. The democratic leaders- Speaker Tom Foley, Majority leader Dick Gephardt, and Majority Whip David Bonior- did their part with Howard Paster up on the Hill. Bob Rubin, Lloyd Bentsen, and Mack McLarty called everyone they knew too. But Clinton would have to get the final few votes himself. In the end, this was his plan and his presidency. He was commander and crew" (176-177). The mass chaos that ensued trying to gain those votes was necessary to keep the presidency alive, which made watching the voting on C-SPAN immensely intense. "they turned in their green voting cards, and the Speaker's gavel cfame hammering down. The final vote was 218-216. Not a vote to spare. The president's study erupted in a riot of hugs that soon subdued into sober relief. Clinton wasn't ready to celebrate" (179). Being a part of a presidential staff is one of the most nerve-racking intense experiences on this planet when a vote is close. It is also crazy when votes are needed for your cause. But in the end, the sweet success of knowing you changed America for the better is more than an adequate award.